Chicken Pox Virus Survive In Air?

Luca Ricolfi, or journalism (sometimes)

are still "in meditazione" e non so ancora dare un mio giudizio ponderato ed "a freddo" sulle vicende poco edificanti del PdL di questi giorni.
In attesa però di chiarirmi le idee e magari scrivere un parere tutto mio, non posso fare a meno di dare risonanza (per quel che questo blog può) ad uno dei migliori e più chiari articoli che abbia mai letto su un quotidiano nazionale: l'autore è l'editorialista de La Stampa e scrittore L uca professor Ricolfi (di cui invito a diventare fan su Facebook ) e "non bada a spese" nel mettere a nudo quale sia la vera posta in gioco nell'attuale scontro politico italiano (non solo interno al PdL).

Riporto now the ' full article, with some grassettature / coloratura mine, because leftovers to eternal memory "and does not end even deleted" distracted "from the archives of the newspaper.

The misunderstanding of the center

After the scenes of war offered by Fini and Berlusconi's policy framework is moving again. The prime minister must find a way to neutralize Finian, who are few but enough to throw sand in the gears of Parliament. The Democratic Party will give a line, deciding whether and how much to bet on "companion Fini." It 'easy to see, finally, that will multiply the efforts of formal a third pole, or a center capable of interposing between the right and left. These maneuvers, in fact, have already started for some time. Zanone's Liberals have been fed in the newly formed Alliance for Italy (API) Rutelli and tobacco, which in turn communicates with the Casini's UDC, which in turn communicates with Fini and Finian, who in turn seem to have a aligned with the forces that matter in Sicily (MPA Lombardo, the PDL-Miccichè Sicily).

Several foundations, from Farefuturo (Fini) to Italy in the future (Montezemolo), are also moving with papers, symposia, debates, articles, interviews and opinions. And just a few days before the final duel between Fini and Berlusconi, pollsters have come from the first evaluations: If Fini (re) An did take 7%, if you ally with Casini and Williams would reach 13%, then even if Montezemolo was the game all together may point to 16 %. In short, the center of the basin election would be almost three times that of the UDC, and any party of moderates could become the third party, and perhaps even the Democratic Party to the dispute as the second party. Such a perspective, as political fiction may seem today, is far-fetched, and he even makes sense. If the line were to prevail in the Democratic Party democratic emergency, under which the supreme interests of Italy is to get rid of Berlusconi, we can not exclude the "Cln scenario," which had already raised in recent months: a National Liberation Committee, this time not as a Communist Party-Christian Democratic alliance, parties extinct, but as long as between their heirs exhausted , the Democratic Party of Bersani and a baby or reborn centrist party, united by a common interest to drive the occupier (in the emergency-vision Berlusconi is like a foreign power, who has held the institutions).

The cement of this alliance, in addition to the deposition of the tyrant, would not that be the defense of democratic institutions, starting with the autonomy of the Judiciary, and prudent revaluation of the First Republic, particularly in relation to electoral law (return to proportional representation, preferential voting). As far lacks a political sense, and even a nobility of purpose - first of all to bring back a bit 'of civility in political debate - the scenario Cln has at least two weaknesses. The first is that Berlusconi is not at all certain that she will be defeated, especially if you were to vote this year. The issue of CLN, in fact, can not think of winning not spread to the far left and Di Pietro, but extends more than nell'elettorato evokes the specter of the gun Brancaleone, that the disastrous last two years the Prodi government .

Not only that, but in case of early elections the opposition would not have good game to accuse Berlusconi of not doing anything, because two years is too short to judge a government, especially if from the beginning had to navigate the stormy waters of worst economic crisis since 1929. The second weakness of the scenario Cln could be called the equivocation of the center. The idea to build a coalition against the left and the center of the right seems to overlook the fact that in terms of the settlement area, and then inevitably the program, the center of which you are talking about is primarily a manifestation of the 'party South ', not to mention the party spending. Not by chance hard core political speech Fini was the crux of the South, or the fear that federalism dry up the resources that feed the river of public expenditure in the southern regions , the same which has always made the National Alliance bulk of their support.

no coincidence that the most concerned of the conflict between Berlusconi and Fini are the politicians of the League. And even less in the case of the UDC and the consensus of API, such as those of An, are concentrated in the South: the UDC is also the party of Totò Cuffaro, former governor of Sicily sentenced on appeal to seven years' imprisonment (for aiding and abetting aggravated for facilitating Cosa Nostra), as al partito di Rutelli, non ha presentato liste in nessuna regione del Nord, e ha ottenuto consensi significativi solo in Basilicata e Campania. Visto da questa angolatura il progetto di una «terza forza centrista», nato per contrastare, mitigare o neutralizzare il federalismo, cozza con un altro segmento fondamentale del centro, inteso come l’insieme degli elettori che stentano a riconoscersi sia in questa destra sia in questa sinistra . Questo secondo segmento del centro è costituito da quanti rimproverano sia al Pd sia al Pdl di avere sostanzialmente tradito la promessa di una rivoluzione liberale, che trovi finalmente il coraggio di fare le riforme economico-sociali di cui l’Italia ha bisogno: meno burocrazia, lower taxes, less waste, better public services .

polls suggest that this second type of center, inspired by liberal and liberal, is more established in the North, and look with sympathy on federalism, as (perhaps too optimistically) as a tool to hold the party of spending and to restore growth. For such voters, some of which are voting more Democratic Party, economic and social reforms are more important than institutional, and dialogue with the League's Bossi is more useful than the nascent party of Fini. In short, the point is that there are two centers . The center Moderate [should say still center , ndlordtojo] , so the priority is to defeat political extremism, embodied primarily by Bossi and Berlusconi, but also by left-wing populism, Di Pietro Beppe Grillo . And the radical center [better: innovation center , ndlordtojo] , so the priority is to defeat the moderation of non-doing in the economic-social shake from its inertia by a political class that twenty years promises to modernize the country and failed . The nightmare of the moderate center is that federalism is made, and may punish the South : not for nothing a year ago the UDC of Casini Calderoli voted against the law, as amply watered down compared to the original text.

The nightmare of the radical center, however, is that federalism is not the face, or gets hurt, thwarting the hopes of the North to be freed from the yoke of unproductive expenditure . The two centers are incompatible, because they have conflicting priorities and territorial settlements mirror. We prefer one or the other, but it would have a big step forward if we stop confusing them.

http://www.lastampa.it/_web/cmstp/tmplRubriche/editoriali/gEditoriali.asp?ID_blog=25&ID_articolo=7258&ID_sezione=&sezione =

Needless to say that I agree with every single part this rare example of genuine and objective journalism ...

Lord Tojo